Site of the Battle of Maldon, South House Farm, Mundon Road (EHER 7825)

Site of Battle of Maldon 991 AD. The location of the Battle of Maldon is believed to be at the western end of the causeway between the mainland at Maldon and Northey Island and is a Registered Battlefield. A seaborne army of Danes with '93 ships' under one Olaf (suggested by some commentators as Olaf Tryggvason) ravaged Folkestone, Sandwich, and Ipswich, before coming to Maldon, where battle was joined on 10th August 991 between Olaf's Danes and a 'fyrd' (army) of East Saxons led by Ealdorman Brihtnoth. The Danes appear to have been encamped at Northey Island, while Brihtnoth and his men held the causeway to the mainland, trapping the Danes. According to the contemporary poem 'The Battle of Maldon', the Danes asked for access to the mainland to offer battle in a 'fair fight' rather than be trapped on the island by the rising tide. Brihtnoth acceded to the request, forcing battle with the Danes, rather than permitting them to sail off again to attack elsewhere. This proved fatal, for he himself was slain, and his men, losing morale, are said to have fled the battlefield. Nevertheless, the Danes are said to have been grievously wounded so that they could 'scarcely man their ships'. It would seem from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and other documents that Maldon represented the high point of English resistance to the Danish raids over 991-2, the Danes having first attacked the Kent and East Anglian coasts prior to the battle, then returning to Kent and continuing southwards after Maldon. Thus this English defeat was the precursor to the payment of tribute to the Danes from this time onwards, which nevertheless failed to stave off the increasingly persistent Danish raids in subsequent years. These eventually culminated in the rule of Sweyn 'Forkbeard' in 1013-4 and Cnut (Canute) in 1016-35. Brihtnoth was interred in Ely Cathedral, and a narrative tapestry of his exploits, no longer extant, suggests a cultural response similar to that of Hastings in 1066.

Site of Battle of Maldon. <1> The site of a battle between Scandinavian raiders and the local 'fyrd' led by the ealdorman, Byrhtnoth, on August 11th, 991 AD. The raiders had occupied Northey Island but the causeway to the mainland was held and successfully defended by three of the English, meaning the Danes were unable to cross. Byrhtnoth allowed the passage to facilitate a battle in which he was killed and his army fled. The battle is described in the famous Old English poem 'The Battle of Maldon' (<5>). This battle site (the mapped location) is preferred to the other suggested location, the bridge at Heybridge. <2> - <10> This source attempts to reconstruct the geography of the Northey Island site in 991, and suggests that it is a very likely location for the battle, despite immense geological changes over the past 1000 years. <11> See newspaper articles <12> <13> <14>. See aerial photographs <15> <16>. June 1995. Registered Battlefield. Of all the Viking attacks in Western Europe, those against Britain were the most savage and the most unremitting. The major Viking expedition which reached England in AD 991 pillaged Folkestone, Sandwich, and Ipswich before it was confronted at Maldon by a force of East Saxons led by Ealdorman Brihtnoth. The Vikings had established themselves on Northey Island, linked to the Essex mainland by a causeway submerged except at low tide. The crossing was blocked by the East Saxons. Brihtnoth, needing to defeat the Vikings or risk them taking to their ships and continuing to raid the coast, agreed to let them across to engage in battle. In a bloody encounter, with heavy casualties on both sides, Brihtnoth was killed and the Vikings were victorious. The battle began the process which led to Anglo-Saxon England becoming incorporated for a quarter of a century into a Scandinavian empire. In its aftermath, the English sought to buy peace with a payment of £10,000. The main source for the battle is a contemporary poem, The Battle of Maldon, one of the finest battle poems in English literary history. In 991 the landscape was very different from that of today. The shoreline was firm and the land dry. The channel between the mainland and Northey Island was only half its present width. Sea-level rise over the last 1,000 years led first to flooding, then to the reclaiming of the land by means of a sea wall by 1822. Mud has accumulated on the seaward side, so that the creeks now present give a misleading impression of the nature of the battlefield in 991. <17> The Battle of Maldon (10th August 991). A list of sources of information that can be loosely termed 'contemporary': (1) 991, THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLES - The seven manuscripts and two fragments known as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles start by recounting events which took place in pre-Roman Britain. They were compiled in the 9th century and then documentation continued in a contemporary manner until the 1150s. The battle is recorded in the Parker (A) and Laud (E) chronicles. (2) 991, A contemporary TREATY, arranged with the raiders by Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury and AElfric and AEthelweard, ealdorman of West Saxon provinces, refers to the battle. (see <3>). (3) around 997/1005 THE LIFE OF ST. OSWALD - A short Latin account of the Life of St. Oswald of Worcester (d.992) was composed in Ramsay between roughly 997 and 1005. It also refers to the battle. (see Wood, p.181). (4) 998, THE WILL OF LEOFWINE who was son of Wulfstan (an Essex landowner who supposedly fought alongside Brihtnoth. (see E.A.S., vol.8). (5) Year unknown, THE CHRONICLE OF ELY and THE ELY CHURCH CALENDER - Brihtnoth bestowed endowments on the Abbey at Ely during his lifetime and was later buried there, hence references to him and the battle in the chronicle. (6) around 1031 THE POEM (sometimes referred to as THE SONG OF MALDON) was commissioned by Brihtnoth's widow, AElfflaed, (along with a tapestry). The original fragment was destroyed in a fire in 1731 but an 18th century copy survives in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. In trying to locate the Battle site. Four sites have been proposed: (1) 1894, HEYBRIDGE - Suggested by Edward Arthur Fitch with a detailed explanation involving Langford (see Fitch, p.75). (2) around 1890s, GT. TOTHAM - Suggested by Charles Clark, bibliophile, who connected the battle with some surviving 'Tumuli', (see Fitch, p.75). (3) 1925, NORTHEY ISLAND - Suggested by Dr E.D. Laborde of Harrow-on-the-Hill, with a detailed explanation, (see Laws, pg.16. and <4>) (4) WINTERSLEET HILL notes to be forwarded by D. Priddy. <18> Archaeology and the Millennium Celebrations. The battle of Maldon was one of many such encounters which plagued the communities of eastern England in the 10th century. The reason that this politically insignificant battle occupies such an important and special place in the history of this period (given that the English lost!) is that a dramatic and emotional account of it has come down to us in the form of one of the finest Early English poems, almost a 'media' account in the glowing ideals of bravery and loyalty (upon which Anglo-Saxon society was based), which Byrhtnoth's army almost all displayed. Geological survey by an American team in 1973 concluded that the battle site was probably roughly in the area of the present day causeway to Northey Island. The topography of this area has seen quite dramatic changes in the last 1500 years due to a marine transgression and subsequent regression. In a nutshell it is likely that the battle site was on the seaward side of the modern sea-wall, on land which has subsequently reverted to saltings. Their bore hole survey suggests that the tenth century land surface is about 1.25m below the present surface of the saltings. This has also been borne out in fieldwork by the Archaeology Section in the Crouch and Blackwater estuaries. <19> <20> Site Assessment: In the late 1970s the site was threatened by proposals to turn it into a rubbish dump. The site is now marked by a commemorative plaque. <12> <13> <14> NRHE data transfer: Primary Sources. 'A' manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: 991 [1] 'In this year Olaf came with 93 ships to Folkestone, and ravaged round about it, and then from there went to Sandwich, and so from there to Ipswich, and overran it all, and so to Maldon. And Ealdorman Brihtnoth came against him there with his army and fought against him: and they killed the ealdorman there and had control of the field [2]. And afterwards peace was made with them and the king stood sponsor to him afterwards at his confirmation.' <9> 'C' manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E): 'In this year Ipswich was ravaged, and very soon afterwards Ealdorman Brihtnoth was killed at Maldon. And in that year it was determined that tribute should first be paid to the Danish men because of the great terror they were causing along the coast. The first payment was 10,000 pounds. Archbishop Sigeric first advised that course.' <9> The figures in square brackets above refer to footnotes in the translation: [1]: It appears as if the compiler of 'A' put this at 993, but a caret mark was placed over 991, showing that the scribe meant the entry to refer to that year. The annal may therefore potentially refer to the presence of Olaf Tryggvason at the battle. [2] The rest of the annal was entered in the margin, suggesting that it was an afterthought. <9> Life of St. Oswald, this is a near-contemporary source, surviving in a transcribed copy: 'During his [Aethelred's] reign the abominable Danes came to the kingdom of the English, and laying waste and burning everything, did not spare men, but, glorying in flashing blades and poisoned arrows, armed themselves in bronze helmets, in which they fought . . . When not many months had passed, another very violent battle took place in the east of this famous country, in which the glorious Ealdorman Brihtnoth held the front rank, with his fellow soldiers. How gloriously, how manfully, how boldly he urged his leaders to the front of the battle . . . He himself, tall in stature, stood conspicuous above the rest . . . He smote on his right hand, unmindful of the swan-like whiteness of his head . . . And when the beloved leader in the field saw his enemies fall, and his own men fight bravely and cut them down in many ways, he began to fight with all his might for his country. An infinite number, indeed of them and of our side perished, and Brihtnoth fell, and the rest fled. The Danes also were wondrously wounded, and could scarcely man their ships.' <21> Liber Eliensis, probably compiled as late as 1169-1174. The commentary states that this is in conflict with earlier accounts and is inaccurate (see <22>): AD 987: 'Accordingly, at one time, when the Danes landed at Maldon, and he (Brihtnoth) heard the news, he met them with an armed force and destroyed nearly all on the bridge over the water. Only a few of them escaped and sailed to their own country to tell the tale.' as cited in <22>. AD 991: 'When Ealdorman Brihtnoth returned quickly to Northumbria after this victory, the Danes, greatly saddened by the news, fitted out another fleet, hastened to England, and landed at Maldon again four years later to avenge the killing of their men, with Justin and Guthmund, the son of Stecta, as their leaders. When they reached the harbour and learned that it was Brihtnoth who had done these things to their men, they at once sent word that they had come to avenge them, and that they would hold him a coward, if he would not dare join battle with them. Moved to boldness by their messengers, Brihtnoth summoned together his former comrades for this matter and, led by the hope of victory and his excessive boldness, he set out with a few warriors on the road to battle. . . On arrival there, he was neither shaken by the small number of his men, nor fearful of the multitude of the enemy, but attacked them at once, and fought them fiercely for fourteen days. On the last day, with few of his men remaining (and) realising that he was going to die, he did not fight the less actively against the enemy, but almost put them to flight after inflicting great slaughter on them. In the end, heartened by the small number of his men, the enemy made a wedge and, grouping together, rushed with one resolve upon him and with great effort, just managed to cut off his head as he fought. They took this away from there with them as they fled to their native land.' <22> The date of the battle is stated as 10-AUG-991 in the Ely calendar, while in Winchester and Romsey's calendars the battle is 11-AUG-991. The event is simply reported as 991 in John of Worcester and Symeon of Durham, who report Brihtnoth's death, along with many from both sides. <23> A fragmentary poem of the Battle of Maldon survives in a burnt manuscript [apparently incomplete before the fire, see source <24>] British Library Cotton Otho A.xii, transcribed by John Elphinston in Bodleian MS Rawlinson B.203, the version reproduced in this source. Commentary in this source suggests that the poem was 'composed sufficiently close to the event for the poet to rely on his audience's familiarity with the persons concerned. It is a tempting conjecture that it was commissioned by his widow, AElfflaed, who gave to Ely a tapestry depicting the deeds of her husband'. <25> The poem begins with some preliminary matter, the beginning of which is now lost, with Brihtnoth readying himself and his army for battle. At line 25 a "wicinga ar", "Viking emissary" offers a challenge, paraphrased here: "It were better for you to offer tribute than that we should deal out hard battle, and we will depart with the treasure in peace to our ships." Brihtnoth returns answer at line 42, again paraphrased: "Do you hear, seafarer, the answer of our people? The only treasure we will give you is bitter spears and ancient swords." At line 64 it is noted that neither side could reach the other because of the flood tide, but at line 72 the ebb tide is reached and Brihtnoth orders Wulfstan to hold the causeway. At line 89 Brihtnoth "for his ofermode" (roughly translated as: "on account of his over-confidence/pride") allows the enemy over the causeway. The "wicinga werod" ("horde of Vikings") pour over the bridge, "west over Pantan" (west over the Blackwater) and battle is joined, culminating in Brihtnoth's death. After this named men of his army express elegies over their lord, and urge one another to avenge him with what strength remains to them. The poem appears to be incomplete and does not tell of the ultimate outcome. <25> Secondary Sources. In 991 AD, in the second week in August, the battle of Maldon was fought between the Danes and the East Saxons. Laborde (<4>) argues that the site lay on the mainland by the causeway leading to Northey Island (TL 867 055), refuting the bridge at Heybridge chosen by Freeman (<7>) and others. He does this on the grounds of military tactics, and the exact similarity of existing topography to that described in the Anglo-Saxon poem commemorating the battle. He considers that Freeman's error was caused by the poet's use of the word 'bridge' and 'ford' for the one feature, and proves, etymologically, that they are synonymous with a causeway - 'bridge' originally meaning 'a paved ford'. As a result of this battle the Danegeld tax was introduced. <4> The course of the battle is described substantially as in the poem, and that the issue thereof was "decided by Byrhtnoth's fall. Many even of his own men immediately took to flight and the English ranks were broken." The battle is then set in the context of a successful expedition in which the "local rulers of Kent, Hampshire and western Wessex" were forced to buy peace from the raiders, followed by a treaty including "provisions and a large sum of money" brokered by Archbishop Sigeric, and the text of the treaty indicates the presence of Olaf Tryggvason among the raiders. <3> A concise history of the battle is provided by source <26>. The site of the Battle of Maldon is located in Maldon, Essex. The battle was fought on 10th August 991 and was conducted by the Danish King Svein Forkbeard and his Vikings in an invasion of East England. The East Saxons were led by Ealdorman Brihtnoth. The Vikings camped on Northey Island, hoping to use it as a stronghold as it afforded access by a thin causeway to the mainland of Maldon. Brihtnoth became wounded in the battle and was killed; after this the bulk of the Saxon levy lost heart and fled from the battlefield. The Viking raiders suffered heavy losses too; it is said that ‘they could scarce man their ships’ after the battle. <27> The Battle of Maldon is unusually well recorded for an Anglo-Saxon period battle, in terms of the documentary evidence, particularly the eponymous poem, and of its location, recorded to a level of detail rare for the period. <28> The dating issue alluded to in source <9> is discussed in some depth, noting also the similarities with the events of 994 as reported in the C/D/E manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in which Olaf and Swein 'came to London on the Nativity of St. Mary with 94 ships'. It is noted that in 'The Saga of Olaf Tryggvason' (Olafs Saga Tryggvasonar) by Snorri Sturluson, Olaf's raids on the British Isles are mentioned only in brief and in general terms. Other sources and their reliability are also discussed: the Life of St. Oswald does not mention Olaf but emphasises Brihtnoth as a person, in view of his connection with Ramsey. Brihtnoth's appearance in the Liber Eliensis is also connected with his relationship to Ely as a benefactor. The most accurate part is likely to concern his interment at Ely, since this was attested by his widow in her will and the monk who wrote the account witnessed 'the reburial of his remains in another part of the Cathedral'. It is speculated that some of the information may have come from a tapestry commissioned by his widow and donated to the Cathedral, which has long since been lost. However, a battle of 14 days is clearly inaccurate and there is no mention of a previous battle elsewhere, as stated in the Liber Eliensis. The 'poetic licence' of the poem is also addressed, but some names of Brihtnoth's men included in the poem also recur in other documents, suggesting their presence has basis in historical fact. It is pointed out that Brihtnoth's name is spelt differently from the early 11th century onwards, suggesting that the composition of the poem took place shortly after the event. There is some discussion of Brihtnoth's battle tactics, essentially that bringing the Danes to battle was the only way to prevent further seaborne raids. As a seasoned commander, Brihtnoth is unlikely to have rashly encouraged battle with the Danes without considering the consequences. <29> Location of the Battlefield. Battle of Maldon (NR) 11th August, 991 (NAT). <30> This location is in the approximate centre of the designated battlefield area as described in <17> and <31>. <32> The extent of the battlefield is recorded as extending from South House Farm to the west to the fringes of the foreshore to the east, at the western edge of the causeway to Northey Island. <17> <31> The National Grid Reference for the site is: TL 871 058. <33> Archaeological Evidence. October 1976. Field visit. According to the farmer at South House, no evidence which would confirm the battle site has been uncovered. The farm lies on the crest of a low north-south ridge which would present a defensive position facing the causeway from Northey Island. Other than this slight topographical evidence no other available facts substantiate that this was the battle site. <34> The site of the Battle of Maldon is a registered battlefield. For further details on the designation see the statutory data. <17> <31> Discussion of the location of the battle as described in the poem with arguments by various authorities that the identification of Northey Island is based on the modern topography and tidal range, and drawing attention to well-documented sea-level change in the area, for example submersion into the marine zone of both Roman terrestrial archaeology in the Thames and a Roman seaport at Bradwell-on-Sea near Maldon. This may suggest that what is now the causeway and river bed were at the time of the Battle either dry or much less extensive than the present river bed. An on-site investigation was carried out in 1973 by the authors of this study, a geologist and a linguist, to assess the sediment levels in the Blackwater in order to reconstruct the water levels as in 991. Visual observation of the location of South House Farm, of the present seabed and causeway and tidal range on the present-causeway, together with evidence from the cores and probes taken by the authors, suggests that there would have been need for a causeway in the tenth century. The depth of the channel was not in doubt, but its extent in the tenth century was more difficult to determine. Layering of the cores suggested that the sea's incursion had begun in 375 AD or 775 AD (with arguments for both), but if the latter, associated sediment brought by the sea had not had time to build up over the red soil layer, and that only a low bank of saltings would have existed beside the channel. The conclusions of this study were that in 991: 1. The channel was half the width of the present channel; 2. A firm red soil, suitable for pasture, sloped gently down to the river bank; 3. The vegetation on the Northey side comprised tall reeds that would have been difficult to negotiate. <11> Assessment of the Battle. The battle is independently attested from a number of surviving sources, including contemporary chronicles <9>, a work of literature which documents the battle but is fragmentary (<24>), two documents from institutions with connections to Brihtnoth (<21> <22>), and is also briefly mentioned in later historical documents from other monastic foundations (<23>). There is also the possibility that the battle was described in a tapestry which was certainly commissioned by Brihtnoth's widow, and now lost (<25> <29>), so that the cultural legacy of the battle appears to have been similar to the legacy of one 75 years later, the Battle of Hastings of 1066. Maldon appears to have formed the high point of English resistance to the incursions of the Danes in the period 991-2, since the Danes are described as having ravaged Folkestone, Sandwich and Ipswich prior to the battle (<9>) and continuing to raid the south-eastern coasts of England afterwards, resulting in the institution of Danegeld. <3> <9> All contemporary and later manuscript sources clearly agree that the battle resulted in a defeat of the English and the death of Brihtnoth, explicitly stated as decapitation in source <22>. The Danish army has been suggested as 2790 to 5580 men (<35>), based on 93 ships either carrying 30 men as in one type, or the other type carrying twice that number. Brihtnoth's men would have comprised his personal retainers in addition to the 'fyrd' or levied militia of Essex men. It is suggested that the two sides were reasonably evenly matched, otherwise battle would not have been joined or offered, and the agreement in all sources that the battle was hard fought, with the Danish finding it difficult to escape, is noted. <35> The fragmentary nature of the Anglo-Saxon poem (<25>) both at the beginning and at the end is suggestive. It cannot, of course, be known how much is missing from the end of the poem, but it suggests that the outcome might have been recorded therein. The speeches of Brihtnoth's retainers in the poem (<25>) after his fall are clearly poetic fabrications which cannot have taken place in the heat of battle, although hasty consultations are plausible. This may suggest that some of these men survived and performed eulogies for him in the battle's aftermath, and elements of these may have been inserted into the poem (<32>). The Danes are said to have been 'wondrously wounded, and could scarcely man their ships' in source <21>. In the 991 entry in source <22> they 'fled to their native land' with Brihtnoth's head. A decapitated body found in Ely Cathedral was assessed in the 18th century as being that of Brihtnoth. <29> No archaeological evidence for the location of the battle has been discovered in the vicinity of South House Farm (<34>) at the western edge of the battle area, which appears to be confirmed in source <36>, with one writer (Bessinger, "Maldon and the Olafsdrapa: a historical caveat", Studies in Old English Literature, Eugene, 1963) challenging what is now the generally accepted location at the western end of the Northey causeway. Taken in conjunction with the missing end of the poem, and the outcome in sources <21> and <22> implying that though victorious, the Danes left immediately with what men they could muster, the lack of known archaeology is suggestive of no further action on their part in the vicinity of Maldon at this battle, their forces being too debilitated to attack the burh in the English settlement, although this did not prevent further raids in the near future (as expressed in the C/D/E manuscripts in <9>), which may have been led by other raiding parties. This ultimately suggests that while the English suffered a defeat, it was a close defeat rather than a crushing one. The Battle of Maldon can thus be seen as a significant high point in English resistance to contemporary Danish raids, however ultimately unsuccessful. <32> See battlefield report. <37> See also <38> and <39>.